Section 4:
OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS

I HAVE never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independance.

As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the

time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of

things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But

we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH

FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things

prove the fact.

It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies;

yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the

world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed

and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at

that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support

itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and

either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our

land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot

be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war

to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we

should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we

are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber

of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain

at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.

Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under

the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port

towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose.

Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no

man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the

necessities of an army create a new trade.

Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account

will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave

posterity with a settled form of government, an independant

constitution of it's own, the purchase at any price will be cheap.

But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts

repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the

charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is

leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from

which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of

honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling

politician.

The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be

but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national

debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case

a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one

hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of

four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a

large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for

the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as

large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more

than three millions and an half sterling.

The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published

without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof

that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. SEE ENTIC'S

NAVAL HISTORY, INTRO. page 56.

The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with

masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight

months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr.

Burchett, Secretary to the navy.

For a ship of a 100 guns | | 35,553 L.

90 | | 29,886

80 | | 23,638

70 | | 17,785

60 | | 14,197

50 | | 10,606

40 | | 7,558

30 | | 5,846

20 | | 3,710

And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of

the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its

greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns.

SHIPS. | GUNS. | COST OF ONE. | COST OF ALL.

6 | 100 | 35,553 _l._ | 213,318 _l._

12 | 90 | 29,886 | 358,632

12 | 80 | 23,638 | 283,656

43 | 70 | 17,785 | 746,755

35 | 60 | 14,197 | 496,895

40 | 50 | 10,606 | 424,240

45 | 40 | 7,558 | 340,110

58 | 20 | 3,710 | 215,180

85 | Sloops, bombs, and

fireships, one

with another, at

| 2,000 | 170,000

Cost 3,266,786

Remains for guns | 233,214

Total. 3,500,000

No country on the globe is so happily situated, so internally

capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage

are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the

Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the

Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials

they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of

commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the

best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it

cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce

and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can

sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold

and silver.

In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great

errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailor.

The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement

of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her

complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social

sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in

the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to

begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our

fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ.

Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in

New England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's

greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world.

The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently

excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state

of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of

coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath

given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she

been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out

from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and

cordage are only articles of commerce.

In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the

little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we

might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and

slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The

case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve

with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago,

might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia

under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same

might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a

brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole

Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are

circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity

of naval protection.

Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with

Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that

she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense

will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is

of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be

effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a

long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if

her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how

is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be

of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if

we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why

do it for another?

The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a

tenth part of them are at any time fit for service, numbers of them

not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if

only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as

are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time.

The East, and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts

over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her

navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted

a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if

we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that

reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being

instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised

Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther

from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the

naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her;

because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our

whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in

the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or

four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and

the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And

although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe,

we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by

laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its

mercy.

Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of

peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant

navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ

in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty

guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the

merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on

constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without

burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England,

of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the

docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy;

for when our strength and our riches, play into each other's hand, we

need fear no external enemy.

In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even

to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior

to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.

Cannons we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every

day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our

inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.

Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From

Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to

the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth

living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be

constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will

venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?

The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some

unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government,

and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate

Continental matters.

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others,

is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet

unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his

worthless dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the

discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of

government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this.

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from

being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are

sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.

It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is

peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the

ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for

trade being the consequence of population, men become too much

absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else. Commerce diminishes the

spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history

sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always

accomplished in the non age of a nation. With the increase of

commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London,

notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the

patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are

they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit

to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in

individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the

Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety

of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population,

would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being

able might scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and

foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament,

that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT

TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is

contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in

misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our

present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and

we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles,

and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.

The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never

happens to a nation but once, VIZ. the time of forming itself into

a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that

means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors,

instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and

then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of

government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them

afterwards: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn

wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity—TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT

AT THE RIGHT END.

When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the

point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of

government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we

shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who

may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom?

Where our property?

As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all

government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I

know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let

a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of

principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to

part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that

head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all

good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that

it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of

religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our

Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious

dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal

principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like

children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their

Christian names.

In page [III par 47], I threw out a few thoughts on

the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer

hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of

rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be

understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters

into, to support the right of every separate part, whether or

religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right

reckoning make long friends.

In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and

equal representation; and there is no political matter which more

deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number

of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the

representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is

increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the

Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of

Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks

county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the

Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed

by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The

unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last

sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that

province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out

of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put

together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored

a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW

without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN

BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with

what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public

measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of

such a trust.

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if

continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are

different things. When the calamities of America required a

consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so

proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for

that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath

preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable

that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good

order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body,

deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make

a study of mankind, whether REPRESENTATION AND ELECTION is not too

great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we

are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not

hereditary.

It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are

frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one

of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New York

Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but

of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not

with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary

honesty. [*Note 1]

TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however

unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and

striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our

affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for

independance. Some of which are,

FIRST—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for

some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as

mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while

America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however

well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our

present state we may quarrel on for ever.

SECONDLY—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain

will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of

that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and

strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because,

those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.

THIRDLY—While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we

must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The

precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in

arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the

paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea

much too refined for the common understanding.

FOURTHLY—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to

foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the

peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring,

at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or

safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been

driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at

the same time, assuring all such courts of our peacable disposition

towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them:

Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent,

than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.

Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither

be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us,

and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other

nations.

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but,

like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a

little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance

is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues

putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it

must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is

continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

Note 1 Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's political Disquisitions.