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APPENDIX

SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.

Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise,
have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of
countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim
be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a
piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general
execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic
tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what
may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass
some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new
methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that
guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing
to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before
now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one,
is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth,
the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and
pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of
tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the
privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows
them NOT, they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our
OWN creating, they know not US, and are become the gods of their
creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not
calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived
by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us
at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading,
that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored
Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.
Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical
piece, fallaciously called, "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND
TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain
supposition, that the people HERE were to be frightened at the pomp
and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part)
the real character of the present one: "But," says this writer, "if
you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do
not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal
of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from
that prince, BY WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY
THING." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even
without a mask: And he who can so calmly hear, and digest such
doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality—an apostate from
the order of manhood; and ought to be considered—as one, who hath,
not only given up the proper dignity of a man, but sunk himself
beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the
world like a worm.
However, it matters very little now, what the king of England
either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and
human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet;
and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty,
procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of
America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young
family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting
away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the
names of men and christians—YE, whose office it is to watch over the
morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as
well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public
liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by
European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation—But leaving
the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my
farther remarks to the following heads.
First, That it is the interest of America to be separated from
Britain.
Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,
RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce
the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this
continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly
known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a
state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and
fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material
eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although
the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history
of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would
be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the
legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time,
proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish
it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final
ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of
America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a
great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each
other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go
to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of
Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of
contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity,
will appear clearer and stronger every day.

First, Because it will come to that one time or other.

Secondly, Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be
to accomplish.
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private
companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who
speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the
following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened
forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would
have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I
reply, that our military ability AT THIS TIME, arises from the
experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years
time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by
that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and
we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of
martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position,
closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time
is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus—at the
conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers;
and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without
experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some
particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of
the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained:
And that point of time is the present time.
The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly
come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return
by the following position, viz.
Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the
governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now
circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive
ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may
contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are
clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of
Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount
to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the
quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.
It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without
burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always
lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of
government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that
the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the
execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the
continental trustees.
I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and
most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some
occasional remarks.
He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his
argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLYUTHAT INDEPENDANCE
BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND
RECONCILIATION, A MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND
IN WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE
ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT.
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is
capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any
other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy.
Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is
nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is
endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation
without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and,
what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for
dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never
existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property
of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The
mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object
before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is
criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one
thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not
have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that
act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction
should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and
inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but
the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his
head.
Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some
of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissentions. The
Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done
in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into
a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will
be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their
old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among
us, Printers, who will be busy spreading specious falsehoods. The
artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two
of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence
that there are men who want either judgment or honesty.
It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of
reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the
task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide
thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of
men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to
be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the
sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath
quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged
moderation be suited to their own private situations ONLY,
regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are
reckoning without their Host."
Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To
which I answer, the request is not NOW in the power of Britain to
comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even
should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is
such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements?
Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the
obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or
unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?—No going to
law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword,
not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of
sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the
same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same
state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our
private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence)
discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at
that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a
year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent—but now
it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a
pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as
repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce
obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the
means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such
trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our
persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the
invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously
qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of
defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have
ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered,
as dating its era from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS
FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn
by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of
events, of which the colonies were not the authors.
I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well
intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different
ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that
ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of
America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a
military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our
soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men;
virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it
perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of
those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before
us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth.
We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation,
similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah
until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men,
perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their
portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is
awful—and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the
little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear,
when weighed against the business of a world.
Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an
Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge
the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and
prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either
inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of
Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be
publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be
independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure,
and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.
Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such
beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most
solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at
first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well
established form of government, will be the only certain means of
continuing it securely to them. WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue
enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for
Independance.
In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us
together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally
shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy.
We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for
there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be
less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace,
than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for
terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to
hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the
war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our
trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us NOW try the
alternative, by INDEPENDANTLY redressing them ourselves, and then
offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in
England, will be still with us; because, peace WITH trade, is
preferable to war WITHOUT it. And if this offer be not accepted,
other courts may be applied to.
On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been
made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this
pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be
refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be
opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious
or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the
hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like
an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former
dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none
other be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND
RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND
AND OF THE FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.
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